"When poor folks are talking about things like sale codes at Target, or a certain brand and color of underwear at Walmart that is not the time to explain to us why it’s bad to shop at that place and that you buy organic, ethically sourced panties made by vegans by the light of the full moon on tuesday and that they are ONLY 50 dollars and it’s such a good thing to do. Keep that out of the conversation. You’re just going to piss us off."

— I wrote about the intersection of class and fat fashion. I gave some pointers for those who are not poor and talking to poor folks about fat fashion. And gave a lil update. Go forth. Enjoy. (via nudiemuse)

fuckyeahfeminists:

An improvement on the NYC Teen Mom ads.

fuckyeahfeminists:

An improvement on the NYC Teen Mom ads.

(via popelizbet)

"

Generally, overzealous law enforcement delivers its heaviest blows on communities of color and poorer folks. Unfettered and often racist police forces come down hard on specific neighborhoods, and sometimes, in the event of New York City, appear to just stop every Black and Hispanic person they see and pat them down. The imprison-at-all-costs mentality has made Oklahoma in particular famous for having the highest female incarceration rate in the entire world.

This kind of self-destructive zeal usually remains below the surface, something very real in some communities, but not those the popular press particularly cares about. In the past few days, however, an exception has emerged. The high-profile suicide of the computer programmer and internet activist Aaron Swartz — committed it appears in response government prosecutors threatening 50 years of imprisonment for downloading millions of JSTOR articles — has even the Wall Street Journal writing pieces about prosecutorial overreach.

Of course when someone of Swartz’s status faces unconscionable levels of prosecutorial grandstanding, the resulting life-devastating consequences become national news. That’s how things go. It deserves pointing out however that unbelievably harmful police, prison, and justice system mistreatment are everyday realities for certain segments of the US population, generally those less able to capture top stories in the country’s best newspapers. Jamie Lynn Russell was one such person, and unless things dramatically change, we can expect many more victims to come.

"

— Matt Bruenig, Overzealous Law Enforcement Kills (via ok4rj)

(via popelizbet)

"People believe that little white kids in the suburbs have the right to live. They have the right to be happy. They have the right to peace. When it comes to black babies in urban neighborhoods, people don’t believe these children deserve to have similar rights. When people say things like ‘I can’t believe this would happen here,’ they are effectively saying that there are some neighborhoods where these tragic outcomes are far more acceptable. I reject this notion entirely, and it is reflective of both white supremacy and classism."

— Boyce Watkins, “The World Cries for Newtown’s Children, but Few of Us Think About Dead Brown Babies” (via lavenderlabia)

(Source: maarnayeri, via perseidbadger)

White History Month, Day 3: “Mississippi Appendectomies”

Content warning: coercive sterilization, institutional violence, medical violence, racism

youngbadmanbrown:

Mississippi Appendectomy - A phrase made popular by Civil Rights leader Fannie Lou Hamer referring to involuntary sterilization procedures. Beginning during the heyday of the American eugenics movement (1920s and 1930s), poor black women were made subject to hysterectomies or tubal ligations against their will and without their knowledge. The practice was considered particularly frequent in the Deep South, although coercive sterilization practices took place in many areas of the country and also affected other women of color, women with physical disabilities whom physicians judged to be “unfit to reproduce,” and poor white women as well.

“She went into the doctor for a cold and came out with a Mississippi appendectomy.”

Number of Victims
The eugenics project in Mississippi resulted in a total of 683 sterilizations.  Of these sterilizations, 160 were performed on males, while 523 were performed on females. Through 1944 women made up seventy three percent of the total individuals sterilized in Mississippi (Cahn, p. 160). Individuals considered mentally ill made up approximately nine tenths of the sterilization victims; those deemed “mentally deficient” made up close to one tenth of the sterilized victims.  A small percentage did not fall into either category. Mississippi ranks number eighteen, when ranking the states by total number of sterilizations.

Period during which sterilizations occurred
Sterilizations took place in Mississippi between the early 1930s and 1963.

(Graph of sterilizations in Mississippi)Temporal pattern of sterilizations and rate of sterilization

After the passing of Mississippi’s sterilization law in 1928, the number of sterilizations remained very small until the mid 1930s. In the second half of the 1930s sterilizations were performed at a much higher rate, followed by the war and post-war years’ decline in operations (Paul, p. 399).  It seems that the last sterilization in Mississippi was performed in 1963.  The rate of sterilization per 100,000 residents was about three per year during the peak years of 1938 to 1941.

Passage of laws
Mississippi passed a sterilization law in 1928 that was very similar to Virginia’s sterilization law. The sterilization statute passed in Mississippi right before the onset of the Great Depression. Consequently “the state did not even have the money to distribute printed copies of the law” (Larson, p. 121). The first sterilizations were performed in the early 1930s. Mississippi was the twenty-sixth state to pass a sterilization law.

Groups identified in the law
In the sterilization law that Mississippi adopted and passed, the following groups are identified: “persons who are afflicted with hereditary forms of insanity that are recurrent, idiocy, imbecility, feeble-mindedness or epilepsy” (Landman, p. 91).
 
Process of the law
The superintendent of one of Mississippi’s institutions for the mentally ill or disabled could recommend to the board of the institution that an inmate be sterilized. Notice would be given to the inmate and a hearing had to be held within 30 days after notice. The inmate, legal guardian, or counsel could be present at the hearing, seeking to dispute the charges and dissuade the board from a recommendation for sterilization (Landman, p. 91). Appeal of an order for sterilization all the way to the state Supreme Court was allowed (Paul, p. 399). The law was compulsory, although an early report stated that it was carried out only on a “voluntary” basis (Paul, p. 399). 

The procedural safeguards of the Mississippi sterilization law caused H. H. Ramsey, superintendent of the Mississippi School and Colony for the Feebleminded, “to proceed cautiously under [the law’s] provisions and sterilize only such cases as consent from parents or guardians can be secured” (Larson, p. 121). The necessity of family consent to perform sterilizations frustrated those interested in sterilizing as many patients as possible as later superintendents “[stressed] the importance of a simplified Sterilization Law”—wanting the freedom to sterilize whomever they pleased.

Commitment Procedures
In Mississippi commitment procedures began with application to chancery courts. Judges were allowed to give jurisdictions to clerk of court in many cases. The feeble minded person in question or his or her family was allowed to demand a trial by jury if necessary (Noll, Feeble-minded, p. 34).

Unlike most states in the United States “Mississippi[…]showed little faith in medical judgments, instead relying on a jury to determine the necessity of commitment” (Noll, Feeble-minded, p. 33). Mental deficiency verification was not required by any medical doctor in order to commit the feeble-minded to an institution in Mississippi. Patients of these institutions would often never see a physician before being admitted; many would not leave without first being sterilized.

Precipitating factors and processes
Mississippi had in common with other states in the Deep South certain conditions that mitigated against the adoption of eugenic policies: concerns for the integrity of the family, the reliance on the family (instead of state agencies) to provide for the welfare of individuals, little concern for immigration, religion’s universalistic views, and the relatively weak impact of progressivism (see, for example, Alabama on this web site).

Eugenic sterilization in Mississippi came on the heels of progressive reform efforts, specifically, the eugenic surveys of the “feeble-minded” carried out by the National Committee for Mental Hygiene in the 1910s (see Larson, 61-71; Noll, Feebleminded, pp. 16-17). The discovery of a putative social problem consequently led to the establishment of segregated but under-funded facilities for the mentally disabled, who would subsequently not be released back into the community without sterilization.

The Southern Sociological Congress, also known as the SSC, was organized in 1912 and “provided a regional forum for much of [the] urban-based [social] reform movement[s]” (Noll, Feeble-minded, p. 13). The SSC was established with the goal of “tackl[ing] the South’s social problems, ‘admittedly more difficult than those in other sections of the Nation’” (Noll, Feeble-minded, p. 13). The SSC provided a forum via which many eugenic ideas were expostulated. “[The] SSC operated as a clearinghouse for reform thought” during a time in which most reforms involved institutionalizing and sterilizing as many second-rate citizens as possible in order to eradicate social problems like extreme poverty and feeble-mindedness (Noll, Feeble-minded, p. 13).

Many state governments, even those with passed sterilization laws, documented as many sterilizations as they could as therapeutic so to avoid the safe guards of the Mississippi sterilization laws. “State governments […] misrepresented the number of mandated sterilizations they performed by labeling a significant number of them ‘therapeutic’ rather than ‘eugenic’” (Cahn, p. 173.) Many physicians who supported eugenic sterilization would use “the event of childbirth or nongynecological surgeries, like appendectomies, to perform a tubal ligation” and “these operations had become so common in Mississippi that they were nicknamed ‘Mississippi appendectomies’” (Cahn, p. 174).

Groups targeted and victimized
In Mississippi, those targeted for sterilization were the same as elsewhere in the Deep South: those considered unfit to produce, particularly those with mental illnesses and mental disabilities.

Women were particularly targeted in the typical eugenic fashion in Mississippi. Haines described to the Mississippi Mental Hygiene Commission an “imbecile white woman […] who has more children than she can count, both white and black” as a perfect example of why Mississippi needed houses for the mentally retarded so that sterilizations could be performed (Larson, p. 61).

In Mississippi, the higher likelihood of a legal challenge and compliance of family members at institutions for the mentally ill meant that many sterilizations were carried out on such patients, especially in the late 1930s. In the 1940s, most victims of sterilization policies were mentally disabled. The rate and number of eugenic sterilizations dropped at the institutions for the mentally ill because of a shortage of physicians.

Other restrictions placed on those identified in the law or with disabilities in general
Mississippi followed a regional trend, in that with the exception of miscegenation, “southern states traditionally imposed fewer restrictions on marriage than did northern states” (Larson, p. 98). Marriage contracts of “Idiots” or “lunatics” were invalidated on the basis of the argument that a lack of legal capacity prevented them from executing such contracts (Larson, p. 98).

Source

Source

(Source: youngbadmangone, via aragingquiet)

Thanks to s.e. smith and proudlyfreckled for linking me to this, which is indeed the essay that I meant.

I love Veronica Mars, and I appreciate that an attempt was made to address race and class issues on the show.  I appreciate more this essay than identifies the failures thereof.

There was a really great essay on failures of race and class on Veronica Mars, does anyone know what I mean?

I think I saw it on LJ, but I’m not sure.

ALL THE TRIGGER WARNINGS (this is Dan Savage, after all):
therotund:

amajor7:

Dan Savage (founder of the “It Gets Better” project) is a perfect example of the whole “LGBT pride so long as you’re only a white cisman and nothing else” community.
Here are a few of the things he’s done:
He has called trans* people “trannies” and “shemales”, as well as told a parent they were selfish for not waiting until their child has graduated from high school to have their sex-change operation. [x]
He has attacked a rape survivor over her relationship with her husband [x]
Savage falsely labeled Washington State Attorney Rob Mckenna as transgender as a joke(?) [x]
He has stated that “avoiding bi guys is a good rule of thumb for gay men looking for long-term relationships.” [x]
You can find more of his sexist, racist, transphobic, biphobic comments here.

He also hella hates the fatties and anything other than urban living.

ALL THE TRIGGER WARNINGS (this is Dan Savage, after all):

therotund:

amajor7:

Dan Savage (founder of the “It Gets Better” project) is a perfect example of the whole “LGBT pride so long as you’re only a white cisman and nothing else” community.

Here are a few of the things he’s done:

  • He has called trans* people “trannies” and “shemales”, as well as told a parent they were selfish for not waiting until their child has graduated from high school to have their sex-change operation. [x]
  • He has attacked a rape survivor over her relationship with her husband [x]
  • Savage falsely labeled Washington State Attorney Rob Mckenna as transgender as a joke(?) [x]
  • He has stated that “avoiding bi guys is a good rule of thumb for gay men looking for long-term relationships.” [x]

You can find more of his sexist, racist, transphobic, biphobic comments here.

He also hella hates the fatties and anything other than urban living.

"Speaking from the perspective and the tradition of lesbians of color, most if not all rationales for excluding transsexual women are not only transphobic, but also racist. To argue that transsexual women should not enter the Land because their experiences are different would have to assume that all other women’s experiences are the same, and this is a racist assumption. The argument that transsexual women have experienced some degree of male privilege should not bar them from our communities once we realize that not all women are equally privileged or oppressed. To suggest that the safety of the Land would be compromised overlooks, perhaps intentionally, ways in which women can act out violence and oppressions against each other. Even the argument that “the presence of a penis would trigger the women” is flawed because it neglects the fact that white skin is just as much a reminder of violence as a penis. The racist history of lesbian-feminism has taught us that any white woman making these excuses for one oppression have made and will make the same excuse for other oppressions such as racism, classism, and ableism."

Emi Koyama’s “Whose feminism is it, anyway?” (via wewantrevolutiongirlstylenow)

THIS.  This is exactly what I was trying to explain earlier, only much more articulately done.

(via strangeasanjles)

I may have reblogged this before.  I do not care.

(via fracturedrefuge)

(Source: eminism.org, via dansphalluspalace)

anticapitalist:

Last year Florida became the first state to pass and fully implement a bill mandating suspicionless drug testing of all applicants for Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF). The law mandated that all applicants pay for the cost of the drug test themselves, and that they be reimbursed if their test came back negative. The law was in effect for a mere four months before the ACLU of Florida filed a lawsuit and a federal court blocked the law, saying it was unconstitutional.

Today the New York Times released the most comprehensive data yet on how the law fared during the short period of time it was in effect. We already knew that the law was a failure; what we didn’t know was just how much of a failure it was.

In the four months that Florida’s law was in place, the state drug tested 4,086 TANF applicants. A mere 108 individuals tested positive. To put it another way, only 2.6 percent of applicants tested positive for illegal drugs — a rate more than three times lower than the 8.13 percent of all Floridians, age 12 and up, estimated by the federal government to use illegaldrugs. Now might be a good time to remind folks that in the debate over the bill, Gov. Rick Scott argued that this law was necessary because, he said, welfare recipients used drugs at a higher rate than the general population.

The utter absurdity of this law is magnified when you realize how much it cost the state of Florida to run this program. The data released today shows that Florida spent $118,140 reimbursing the overwhelming number of Florida TANF applicants — 3,938 to be exact — who tested negative for drugs. That is far more than any money saved by the program, at a net cost to the State of over $45,000. And that’s only part of the cost to the state to run this program. There are also the administrative costs, staff costs, and, of course, the litigation costs. Furthermore, the testing program didn’t deter individuals from applying for help — an internal document about TANF caseloads revealed that, at least from July through September, the policy did not lead to fewer cases.

Despite the complete failure of this program to unearth anything other than the fact that there is no overwhelming drug problem amongst welfare applicants, the state of Florida continues to defend this law. And unfortunately, other states have followed Florida’s ill-informed lead. Over 25 states introduced welfare drug testing legislation this year. You’d think that the court rulings and high costs might have logically stopped these bills, but they have not. In fact, just this Monday, Georgia Gov. Nathan Deal signed a bill into law that is very similar to Florida’s, mandating all TANF applicants in Georgia be drug tested before being eligible to receive benefits.

(via so-treu)

dumbthingswhitepplsay:

When a rich woman wants to stay home with her kids, she’s lauded, and parenting is called one of the hardest jobs you can do. When a poor woman wants to stay home with her kids, she needs to learn the “dignity of work.” A rich, white woman who stays at home is a good mother. A poor, black woman who stays at home is welfare queen.

(Source: eamcintyre, via birchsoda)

There are deep class assumptions embedded in the way people are talking about the Instagram rollout because of the huge class divisions between iOS and Android users. Android phones can be purchased relatively cheaply and are available with low-price plans and other pricing options. This is not the case with iOS, which tends to be more expensive and more exclusive.

Excellent piece.  This is very similar to the discourse around the opening of Facebook to the public a few years ago (when people basically used “stranger danger” as code for “poor people”).

(Source: se-smith)

dumbthingswhitepplsay:

abaldwin360:

RICHMOND HEIGHTS • Anna Brown wasn’t leaving the emergency room quietly.

She yelled from a wheelchair at St. Mary’s Health Center security personnel and Richmond Heights police officers that her legs hurt so badly she couldn’t stand.

She had…

thecurvature:

Joseph Shapiro at NPR News: Calls For More Reporting Of Suspected Child Abuse

Each state already has laws that require some combination of doctors, teachers, day care providers and others who work with children to report suspected abuse. If they don’t, they could face fines, the loss of a license, and, in some states, possibly jail time.

Now several states want to expand the list of who’s a mandated reporter — especially in places where coaches are not already included. Among the states with calls to expand required reporting or to stiffen penalties for those who fail to do so are: California, New York, Virginia, Georgia, Connecticut and Maryland.

Proposals to make every adult legally required to report suspected child physical and sexual abuse have surfaced in Missouri and Pennsylvania — the home of Penn State — as well as in Congress.

Hmm.

Having read Dorothy Roberts’ Shattered Bonds: The Color of Child Welfare, this makes me really uncomfortable. In the book, she chronicles how child protective services are given more power and start removing significantly more children from homes when some really high profile case happens that appalls everyone, and legislators rush around to strengthen laws to “protect children.” They don’t want to be caught with their pants down, the one who let the monster slip through the cracks, so they start erring on the side of snatching kids out of homes for no good reason — and families often NEVER get those children back.

The system is really, really racist. And while the average person imagines the average child protective services case to involve the kinds of horrific abuse that make it in the papers, in fact the majority are about cases of “neglect.” “Neglect” means a lot of things, but a whole lot of the time, “neglect” just means being poor. Mandated reporters compound the problem, because they have to legally say something, whether it’s in the child’s best interests or not. So a child who they know is being left home alone after school because the parent can’t afford child care or the child who always comes to school hungry because their parents can’t afford breakfast ends up in the system, and then ends up being removed from their home because the state decides that their parent’s home isn’t big enough and that there’s not enough food in the fridge (again: they’re too poor). And it is NOT white kids that this usually happens to.

Of course, I need to include a statement here that OBVIOUSLY adults need to be reporting when a child is in physical danger! The problem is how difficult it is to have a conversation about how the child welfare system is fucked without being accused of wanting kids to stay in abusive situations. The article refers to mandatory reporting in cases of suspected physical or sexual abuse, but that’s usually how this issue is framed, even when it almost always also includes “neglect” — and I’d suspect that these proposals also do.

Which is to say that I think folks who might be in favor of this need to take a deep breath and think about the consequences. Do we REALLY think that this change in the law would have changed Paterno’s behavior? That he was okay violating the laws of human decency and covering up child rape, but would have changed his mind because of a mandatory reporting law? Really? Because I don’t. But I do think that increasing mandatory reporting can have a lot of unintended effects and harm a whole lot more children and their families who don’t meet classist, white supremacist standards of “care” and will be punished rather than assisted as a result.

Church.

(Source: se-smith)

inothernews:

31 other states did this to their residents.

Jesus H. Christ.

(via karnythia)